Tuesday, May 12, 2015

Monarch Profile: King George IV of Great Britain & Ireland

HRH Prince George Augustus Frederick was born on August 12, 1762 the first of fifteen children born to King George III and Queen Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Within days he was given the title Prince of Wales and as he grew up he fit into what seemed to be a pattern for royals of the House of Hanover and British monarchs in general with eldest sons having an antagonistic relationship with their parents as well as the way monarchial parents and royal heirs seemed to alternate between those who held firmly to traditional family values (George III, Victoria, George V) and sons who lived a ‘playboy’ lifestyle (George IV, Edward VII, Edward VIII). While his father was the first Hanoverian monarch in Britain who was faithful husband, was very disciplined, upright, frugal and so on, the Prince of Wales began to show opposite characteristics as soon as he reached adulthood. As soon as he gained the first degree of freedom from his parents, he showed a great fondness for food, drink, women and lavish living. However, like others that would come after him, these qualities did not make him terribly unpopular with everyone. He had qualities that were to his credit as well and was known to be a charming, likeable fellow.

As a child, the Prince of Wales proved himself to be a quick study and very bright. He would be the second Hanoverian monarch to speak English as his first language but he was also proficient in German, French and Italian. He was witty and a great conversationalist, the sort of man who seemed able to talk easily with anyone about anything. He had an informality that put people at ease while, in his younger days at least, a regal bearing that impressed people. His appearance was to change dramatically over the years but in his youth few failed to remark on how handsome he was. Tall, dignified and charming, he had a presence none could forget, only lady (a mistress) remarking on, “the grace of his person, the irresistible sweetness of his smile, the tenderness of his melodious yet manly voice”. However, his fondness for drink and over-eating left him increasingly overweight by his mid to late thirties. Earlier than that his high living and over-spending left him heavily in debt and thus increasingly at odds with his very frugal father. By the time he was fifty years old the descriptions of his appearance were the total opposite of what they had been in his youth. He could charm women and in the company of men could easily seem ‘one of the boys’ but when it came to the tensions with his father, he could display a cruel streak. Aside from his lifestyle, father and son disagreed over politics as well.

Probably more out of an urge to rebel and assert his independence from his father rather than genuine ideological agreement, the Prince of Wales openly associated himself with the very leftist and even anti-monarchial opposition leader Charles James Fox. During the American War for Independence, Fox and his clique openly took the side of the rebels, condemning the King and parading about in the blue and buff colors of the continental army. If the Prince of Wales only associated with Fox as a way to annoy his father, Fox likewise had little genuine use for the Prince as well. He disliked monarchy altogether but saw in the Prince of Wales someone he could use to gain power and who could be duped into helping him wreck the political establishment in Britain. However, the Prince of Wales was not the dupe Fox thought he was, as would be proven in due time. First, however, the Prince had to get through his first, really serious, scandal which arose from his love life. Yet, it was not because of the succession of mistresses he had but rather one woman who was actually one of the best things to ever happen to him and who just might have changed the course of his life.

The woman in question was Maria Fitzherbert, who was five years older than the Prince and a Roman Catholic. Where all else had failed, she actually succeeding in altering his habits. A very upright woman, she firmly refused to be his mistress. This put the Prince in a difficult situation as he was totally smitten with her and would do anything to have her. Maria made it clear that the only way that would happen is if they were properly married in the eyes of God. So, the Prince of Wales grabbed a churchman from debtor’s prison (promising him a bishopric when he became king) and had him married to Maria Fitzherbert. This may have made them husband and wife in the eyes of God (and they lived as such after that) but according to British law in had no validity as the King had not consented to the marriage and there was certainly no way he would have ever given such consent for the heir to the throne to marry a Catholic. For the Prince of Wales, he genuinely loved Maria but he was not a faithful man and soon left her for his next mistress (Lady Jersey). However, the fact that he went through a religious marriage with Maria would cause him problems for some time to come.

When the Prince of Wales did legally marry it came about not because of romance but because of his mounting debts. The King was absolutely opposed to any increase in his allowance because of his lavish spending. However, Parliament finally agreed to cover his debts if he would settle down and get married. So, in 1795, he agreed to marry his cousin Caroline of Brunswick. It was hardly a match made in Heaven. Bride and groom were repulsed by the other and the Prince was drunk at his own wedding (perhaps the only way he could go through with it). After the birth of their first child early the following year, a daughter, the two lived apart. Meanwhile, the Prince of Wales was becoming more critical to national life as King George III began to show signs of madness, actually the first symptoms of porphyria. As the behavior of the King became more erratic, more looked to the Prince of Wales for leadership. Yet, for some, the Prince seemed all too eager to snatch power from his father. He did himself no favors by associating with the opposition, mocking the King, spreading embarrassing stories about him and even speaking (though surely not seriously) about a sort of palace coup to seize the royal powers for himself. Despite rallying for a time, eventually the mental state of the King became such that he had to be set aside and the Prince of Wales was appointed regent to act on his behalf in 1811.

With his achievement of power, the Prince of Wales did not immediately become the creature of the Whigs as many had expected. The Tories continued in power and continued the vigorous prosecution of the war against Napoleon. He presided over the War of 1812 with the United States, signed the peace ending that conflict and he saw Napoleon finally defeated at the Battle of Waterloo. So central did that battle become to the British national narrative that the Prince Regent seemed to genuinely convince himself that he had actually been present on the field that day, which of course he was not. The final peace achieved at the Congress of Vienna saw the British Empire in a very strong position with new footholds around the world and the elevation of Hanover to a kingdom. In 1820 King George III passed away and, at 57, the Prince Regent came to the throne as King George IV. The occasion was marked by what was probably the most lavish and grandiose coronation in British history. Although some groaned about the huge expense, the people enjoyed the occasion and the grand style of George IV symbolized a British Empire that had emerged victorious from the French Revolutionary Wars and was growing around the world.

There was plenty of criticism during the rather short ten-year reign of King George IV for his personal habits, his spending and his interference in politics. That, however, should be kept in perspective. The criticism of his personal life was mostly accurate but his political meddling was mostly due to incorrect assumptions based on his previous association with the Whigs. In fact, he largely stayed out of politics and the era of royal involvement in government seen during the reign of his father stopped and the era of royal non-interference had begun with George IV (or resumed from the first two Georges). However, that fact alone meant that when he did involve himself in political matters, particularly to carry on certain policies of his father (such as blocking Catholic emancipation) caused it to stand out more than it should have. There was also more to the man than the drunken glutton portrayed in the press. Many consider him the most intelligent of the Hanoverian monarchs and, when he was sober, he could demonstrate his knowledge, wit and uncanny memory.

Surely the greatest contribution made by King George IV was in his great sense of style. He left the country far more grand than he found it. Many of the most famous landmarks of Britain are attributable to King George IV. Whereas his predecessors had lived more simply in the German style, George IV seemed more reminiscent of the great patrons of the arts from the Stuart era. He restored Windsor Castle and rebuilt the Royal Lodge (lately the home of the Queen Mother). Brighton Pavilion was probably his most grandiose architectural achievement, built in an Oriental style it had Near Eastern exteriors, Chinese interiors and it still stands as a monument to the cosmopolitan nature of the British Empire. It also turned Brighton from a largely overlooked community to a major holiday center. The King stayed there often and after 1800 lived again with Maria Fitzherbert who still regarded herself as his wife, in the eyes of God if not in the eyes of the law. Although not often known, she did help him considerably, nursing him back from a stomach ailment and managing to get him to cut down on his drinking. Whenever they were together she proved to be very good for him. His unstable legal wife, Caroline of Brunswick, had left the country to live a rather scandalous life in Italy only to return at the time of his coronation to claim her place as queen. She was turned away at the doors of Westminster Abbey and died in 1821. He had tried to divorce her but was told that to do so would throw into the public much about his private life that would do no one any good. So when Caroline died she at least died fairly popular with the public who had no idea of what she was really like, having most of the same disgusting habits as her husband but without anything like his winning personality.

During his reign, King George IV moved considerably to the right from where he had been in his rebellious youth when aligned with Fox. Once the responsibility of royal leadership was fully on his shoulders, George IV realized that the type of ideas espoused by Fox would lead to anarchy and the sort of revolutionary chaos seen in France. Because of this, the Whigs viewed him as a traitor to their cause and would never forgive him for it. However, he was not the sort of man to put up much of a fight in the political arena. By the time he was actually King, with a lifestyle that had aged him beyond his years, he preferred to avoid confrontation whenever possible. As a result, he often promised one group his support on a certain issue only to fail to give it when it seemed there would be resistance. This left him with an untrustworthy reputation that caused most to try to avoid him. He was secluded most of the time but when he did make public appearances he could still awe a crowd with his magnificent fashion sense and showed that he could still display the regal bearing and dignity of his youth, despite his increased years and even more increased waistline. He could still win people over and, while often discounted, his highly choreographed visit to Scotland (the first such royal visit since the Stuart era) did help bring the United Kingdom more closely together.

In the final years of his reign, as his health declined, George IV seemed to be increasingly out of touch with reality. He devoted his time to planning further even more grandiose building projects, none of which were to ever see fruition. He might also talk at length about his imagined exploits at the Battle of Waterloo where his imaginary role became ever greater and more heroic. He also became much more religious at the very end of his life and that end finally came on June 26, 1830 at the age of 67 at Windsor Castle. Despite all the criticism of his habits and private life, he had not been a terrible monarch even though he was certainly not a great one. The tragedy is that he could have been so much better. He had the intelligence and he had the presence to make for a great monarch but he lacked the discipline and work ethic. As it was, he seemed to be marking time until he was succeeded by his younger brother the Duke of Clarence (King William IV) who himself is often seen as a placeholder until the accession of Queen Victoria. He had many faults but his reign was certainly not a disaster and, if nothing else, George IV at least left behind a country with a few more beautiful buildings and a finer sense of style because of him.

Sunday, May 10, 2015

The Betrayal of Yugoslavia

More than one Balkan monarchy was treated with great injustice during World War II. However, the betrayal of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stands out because of the extent to which the Allied powers were involved in both the start of the expansion of the war into that country and then its abandonment to the forces of revolutionary communism. The story that most people have heard about Yugoslavia in World War II is that Germany invaded the country so that Hitler could rush to the aid of his partner Mussolini whose rash invasion of Greece had ended in disaster. This is what most people have been told. Mussolini ordered an invasion of Greece, for no better reason than to keep pace with Hitler’s conquests, the Italians were beaten and, in danger of collapse, Hitler had to invade Yugoslavia in order to rush to the aid of Mussolini, crushing Greece and so securing his southern flank in preparation for the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. That is the story but it is almost entirely untrue. There was no urgent need for German involvement in Greece but, rather, British actions in Yugoslavia prompted the Axis invasion of that country.

Prince Paul with Adolf Hitler
Hitler had absolutely no interest in intervening in the Balkans until British agents arranged the overthrow of the Prince-Regent Paul, replacing him with the young King Peter II who would take Yugoslavia into the Allied camp. It was the removal of Prince Paul that prompted Germany (and Italy and Hungary) to invade Yugoslavia. Prior to this, every other power in the Balkans was either aligned with the Axis or at least desired to stay out of the war. That was all Hitler cared about; that they would not join with his enemies or endanger his expansion to the east. Prince Paul of Yugoslavia had taken his country into the Axis camp and when he was overthrown by a group of pro-Allied officers, supported by Britain, and replaced by King Peter II the German dictator took immediate action. Because of this, no Yugoslav royal has suffered such undue criticism as Prince Paul. That is a gross injustice that should be addressed at the outset. Despite how he was later portrayed by the Allies, Prince Paul was not some sort of Nazi sympathizer. His actions in joining the Axis camp have to be seen in context. He did it to specifically avoid conflict for his country and not because of any ideological admiration.

Prince Paul was actually much more pro-democracy than the previous monarch, King Alexander I, had been. When World War II broke out, he declared Yugoslavia to be firmly neutral and he took Yugoslavia into the Axis but he did so on three specific conditions, all aimed to keep Yugoslavia from actually playing any part in the war. When seen in context, these conditions and his actions in joining the Axis all make perfect sense. It must be remembered that there were numerous neighboring countries who had designs on Yugoslav territory (an unavoidable consequence of the way it was cobbled together after World War I). In the south were lands Bulgaria thought should belong to them, the same for Hungary in the northeast. Historically Italian areas in the west were also a potential cause of trouble. Prior to the conflict, the Italian military had most expected the next war Italy fought would be against Yugoslavia and Mussolini had given support to the Catholic Croatians who wanted to declare independence from Yugoslavia.

Prince Paul of Yugoslavia
To block the Hungarians from trying to reclaim lost territory and prevent a restoration of the Hapsburgs, Yugoslavia had formed the “Little Entente” alongside Romania and Czechoslovakia, backed up by the French Republic. However, by the outbreak of World War II, Czechoslovakia was gone and France was soon defeated as well and thus in no position to provide any assistance to these Balkan countries. As such, the only option Prince Paul had was to come to terms with Germany so as to prevent Hungary or Italy from taking any action against Yugoslavia. So, Prince Paul agreed to join the Axis on three conditions which reveal exactly what his priorities were. Those three conditions were that the Axis guarantee to respect the current Yugoslavian borders, that Yugoslavia not be called on to render any military assistance to the other Axis countries and that no Axis military forces could be transported across Yugoslavian soil. Obviously, this was an agreement to “join” the Axis that would effectively guarantee that Yugoslavia stayed out of the Axis war effort entirely while preserving their territory and independence. What is more, Prince Paul was obviously more pro-Allied than he was pro-Axis. He continued to be supportive of the French (as long as they lasted) and when Italy invaded Greece he actually sent aid to the Greeks.

Nothing could be more obvious than that Prince Paul was no Nazi or Fascist sympathizer. He wanted to stay out of the war and preserve his country the way it was. However, not all of the Serbian military agreed and the British were quick to encourage them. They did not want Yugoslavia to sit out the war but to join it on the Allied side. This was really quite a despicable thing for the British government to do since there was no realistic way they could support Yugoslavia in the war. Nazi Germany blocked any assistance from coming across the continent and, after the Italian occupation of Albania, Mussolini controlled the entrance to the Adriatic and so could block any help from the sea. The military may have pulled off the coup in any event but what the British were thinking in encouraging and supporting it is hard to fathom. It was the same sort of thinking that led to the humiliating fall of the Kingdom of Norway as but one example. Nonetheless, it happened on March 27, 1941 when a group of air force officers led by General Dusan Simovic forced Prince Paul to resign and go into exile in Greece. There was jubilation in some quarters and Churchill was certainly pleased but this was the start of a long period of suffering for all of the peoples of Yugoslavia and, effectively, the end of the Serbian monarchy.

King Peter II of Yugoslavia
At the time of the coup, the slogan that war was preferable to the Axis pact was not uncommon. Preferable or not, war is what Yugoslavia would have and an infuriated Hitler immediately ordered his military to take action. Belgrade was bombed and young King Peter II left the city and prepared to leave the country. No one with any grasp at all of military matters thought Yugoslavia could survive. German troops poured in from almost every neighboring country, two Italian armies committed forces to the operation, driving down the coast and, after a week, the Third Hungarian Army moved in to re-take the lands that had been part of Hungary before World War I. Britain tried to assist but it was a hopeless cause and as soon as the invasion began, ethnic uprisings began to break out, particularly in Croatian areas which had never been happy about being included in Yugoslavia in the first place. In short, the Royal Yugoslav military was beset from all sides, front and rear with almost no help and no means of retreat. It was a complete and utter disaster. Hundreds of thousands were taken prisoner by the Germans, almost the entire navy was capture by the Italians and on April 14 the Yugoslav high command realized the game was up. On April 17 the unconditional surrender was signed. Yugoslavia had been conquered in eleven days. The suffering would go on for much longer.

The unfortunate Prince Paul was taken into custody by the British and held in house arrest in British East Africa (Kenya) for the remainder of the war. King Peter II went eventually to London (via Greece, Palestine and Egypt) where he finished his studies and joined the British Royal Air Force as well as serving as titular head of the Yugoslavian government-in-exile. At home, Yugoslavia was divided among the Axis forces. Macedonia went to Bulgaria, formerly Hungarian lands were annexed by that country, coastal areas were occupied by Italy, Serbia was occupied by Germany and the Independent State of Croatia was proclaimed by Ante Pavelic. Some supported the Axis forces and others carried on armed resistance. The two primary resistance groups were the royalist Chetniks who continued to fight for King Peter II and the communist partisans led by Tito. In addition to fighting the occupying forces these two groups carried on a bitter civil war within the World War against each other. This is something which has attracted some criticism (invariably aimed at the Chetniks and never the communists) but it was, from a purely Yugoslavian point of view, the conflict that should have had priority. After all, no matter how successful they were, they were not going to win the war against the Axis powers all by themselves. That was up to the Allies. However, the outcome of the civil war would determine if Yugoslavia would survive, whether the former kingdom would continue or whether a Marxist dictatorship were established.

Chetniks flag
The guerilla war between the occupation forces and the resistance as well as the civil war between the communists and royalists was intensely vicious. It was a brutal, confused, bloody situation with numerous factions and numerous agendas at work. However, ultimately, the Allies decided to sell-out the royalist Chetniks of Yugoslavia in favor of the communists. Prime Minister Churchill and U.S. President Roosevelt agreed that Eastern Europe would be the domain of the Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin. Of course, there were promises that national sovereignty would be maintained and democracy would be assured but it would all be done under the supervision of the Soviet Red Army so there should not have been any doubts about what the future of these countries would be and that included Yugoslavia. Young King Peter II was effectively abandoned by his own allies and was himself, in turn, forced to abandon the hard-fighting royalist Chetniks who had been carrying on the war, fighting in his name, against the occupation forces. The Soviets, of course, had been supporting the communist partisans all along but after this agreement the Anglo-Americans shifted their support to the reds as well, giving them every advantage over their royalist adversaries. (Feel free to read past articles about the Chetniks and their commander)

This also coincided with a new strategic plan for the Allies. Consideration had been given to a more massive Allied invasion of southern Europe but Stalin objected to the plan. He wanted it all left to his forces and preferred for the British and Americans to invade Western Europe, opening a new front there to draw German forces away from his advancing Red Army. The Allies abandoned Yugoslavia, along with the other Balkan countries (save Greece which Britain had an interest in) and Eastern Europe as a whole to the monstrous Soviet regime. They abandoned the Chetniks who they had originally supported and who had fought for years, including launching very successful raids against Axis forces on their behalf. It is little wonder, given the situation, that some Chetniks (though not all) decided to join with the Germans and Italians who would at least help them resist the communist partisans. Their reputation has never recovered from this, and it is unfortunate but it should be remembered that it was the decision of the Allies which made the Axis powers the only option left for the Chetniks.

King Peter II in the RAF
King Peter II himself was forced to sell-out his most ardent supporters and give rank to Tito and his communists, though naturally they declared him deposed as soon as the war was over to create their socialist republic in Yugoslavia. It is no wonder that King Peter II had such a sorrow-filled life. Forced into the war by pro-Allied officers, Yugoslavia was swiftly conquered, occupied and dismembered by the Axis powers only to have the loyal, royalist troops still carrying on the struggle betrayed by the Allies who effectively handed over the country to the communists. As it turned out, they were communists who refused to be subservient to Stalin but their regime was no different from any other Bolshevik tyranny in its horror and ineptitude. King Peter II, understandably extremely bitter about how the Allies had treated his country -particularly the other monarchies of the Allied nations- later moved to the United States and tried to drown his sorrows. He died of liver problems in Denver, Colorado in 1970. The first royal victim of betrayal, Prince Paul, suffered as well. The communists declared him an enemy of the state, confiscated all his property and wanted to put him on trial as a “war criminal” (really absurd considering he played no part in the war and was overthrown because he wanted to stay out of the war). He avoided that fate but spent the rest of his life in exile, unjustly maligned and unfairly portrayed as some sort of Nazi-sympathizer until he died in Paris in 1976.

Looking back, it is easy to be critical of what the Allies did. We are not in the middle of a world war. However, some criticism is justified. Britain and France, as it turns out, entered into a war with Nazi Germany that they could not win on their own. That was their choice. To involve Stalin in the war as a member of the Allied nations, however, was not their choice. That choice was made by one Adolf Hitler when he invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. From that point on, Stalin was going to have some part to play in Eastern Europe whether his other Allies liked it or not, providing the Axis forces were defeated of course (which they were). Even so, what happened to Yugoslavia was a betrayal. Some have tended to exaggerate the role of Britain in the coup that brought down Prince Paul. It was an entirely Yugoslavian affair, however, Britain supported it and perhaps the YRAF officers would not have been so keen on the idea if Britain had not been or had been more realistic about what tangible assistance they could offer when German, Italian and Hungarian troops came surging across their borders. Even so, what happened to Yugoslavia was a betrayal. Finally, the agreement that consigned Eastern Europe to Stalin was not supposed to include the establishment of puppet dictators in every country. Even so, Churchill and FDR should have known better than to think that Stalin would allow other peoples privileges he refused to his own.

A King betrayed
Unlike other countries in the region, the Allies supported Yugoslavian royalists getting into the war, supported them actively during the war only to withdraw that support in the midst of the conflict, transfer it to their enemies and then consigned them to the communist sphere of influence when it was over. None of these things had to happen. If there had been no coup, Yugoslavia might have remained a nominal member of the Axis but effectively neutral and untouched for the duration of the conflict. There likely would have been some problems but it is at least possible. The Allies could have also taken a tougher stance on Soviet involvement in the region. They had a powerful bargaining chip in the form of the vast amount of (mostly American) supplies, weapons and equipment going to the USSR to sustain the Russian war effort. They could have easily told Stalin that if he had such surplus material to send aid to the communist partisans, he must not need so much from Britain and the United States and by that means curtailed the help going to the reds and ensured that only the royalist resistance fighters were supported. Of course, there are always circumstances and problems. War is ugly business and everyone understands that but the fact remains that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the hard fighting royalists of that country who were carrying on the fight were betrayed by the Allies, by their allies, and that fact, as well as the fate that befell the tragic King Peter II, is something everyone should recognize as shameful.

Thursday, May 7, 2015

Conflicts that Impacted the Cause of Monarchy

It is a simple fact of the human condition that the most major changes in the world often coincide with the most major conflicts. The history of monarchy is no different. While it does not benefit to dwell on it, most monarchists are aware of the obvious fact that the institution has been on the decline in the recent eras of history. Since monarchy was the natural form of government that developed spontaneously all around the world, this is really no surprise. Where do you go from ‘up’? For most of human history, monarchy was not something that most people fought about. It was something that was accepted and monarchies fought each other for various reasons but rarely fought over the issue of monarchy itself. However, there have been some conflicts that have proven critical to the success or failure of monarchy as an institution, as a form of government. Some of these I have considered will be obvious and expected but others are probably less well known. There have also been some conflicts which many have assumed have had a great impact on monarchy but which, in fact, have actually had a negligible impact on the cause of kings.

One which had an impact far out of proportion to its scope was the English Civil Wars. Even though the republican dictatorship of Cromwell ultimately failed and the monarchy was restored, the English Civil Wars did lasting damage to the monarchist cause. For one thing, political realities pushed most of the monarchies of Europe into recognizing the Cromwellian regime and so set the precedent for monarchies at least making peace with if not actively allying with a regicidal, anti-monarchial republic. The republican victory also provided an example that was taken up by others in the world, most significantly numerous of the “Founding Fathers” of the United States of America. Even though the republican dictatorship of Cromwell failed, the fact that his Roundheads were victorious on the battlefield was immensely significant. Because of this, even after the restoration of King Charles II, the anti-monarchy crowd never felt themselves beaten, never accepted defeat and so continued to hold the horrific image of the fate that befell Charles I before the eyes of his sons until Britain went through the so-called “Glorious Revolution” of 1688 when the nature of the monarchy was so fundamentally changed that the legacy continues to this day. It set a precedent, by events it set into motion, for the supremacy of parliaments over the Crown in fact even if not always in name.

As for the so-called “American Revolution” (more correctly the American War for Independence), the effects of it on the cause of monarchy has been considerable but probably not as significant as most think. Its importance tends to be exaggerated for two reasons; American hyper-patriots who like to think that the world revolves around the United States and everyone follows their example and longs to be just like America and, ironically, the anti-American crowd that has the same mentality but viewed negatively rather than positively. They also tend to look at how powerful the United States eventually became and so simply assume that so powerful a country must have had a great deal of influence on the rest of the world. It certainly did have some impact, even if for no other reason than that it made a new generation of people view republicanism as a viable possibility. It also aided in, indirectly, bringing about the more consequential French Revolution though it was certainly not the determining factor. Americans were more influenced by fashionable liberal thought in Europe than Europeans were by anything that came out of America.

For all of early American history, the United States simply did not matter that much on the world stage. The British also learned lessons from it that enabled monarchy to survive much longer in more diverse parts of the world than might otherwise have been the case. It certainly did not have much of an impact on its own neighbors. Canada staunchly refused to follow the American example and as for Latin America, it would take at least forty years for them to join in declaring independence from Europe and none of them adopted very American-style governments. Their independence came about mostly due to political disputes in Spain and the most significant powers among them, Mexico and Brazil, first became independent as monarchies. Eventually, the success of America would have an impact on others around the world without doubt but it is just as obvious that the revolutionaries who took to the streets in places as diverse as Russia or China shouted out verses of “La Marseillaise” and not “The Star-Spangled Banner” or “Yankee Doodle Dandy”. Most republics in the world have adopted the European model of parliamentary republicanism rather than the American presidential model.

Obviously, the French Revolution was a conflict that had enormous impact on the cause of monarchy worldwide. The Americas, Africa, Russia, even Southeast Asia have been impacted by the French Revolution in their republican movements. For example, the aforementioned political divisions in Spain that spurred the Latin American wars for independence were a direct result of the spread of the values of the French Revolution to Spain and eventually a new French-imposed regime on the ‘Land of the Setting Sun’. The civil wars that plagued Spain for so long afterward and which led to the loss of the empire were all based on political disputes that were born out of the French Revolution. Even the ultimate Allied victory in the Napoleonic Wars sometimes benefited the republican cause in certain cases depending on which changes, caused by the Revolution, were reversed and which were kept in place. It may not have been immediate but tensions remained that would ultimately prove detrimental to the monarchist cause. In both republics and monarchies the conflict coincided with an increase in nationalism across Europe. This did no harm, and in some cases even helped, monarchies which managed to make themselves the champion of nationalist causes but it proved very harmful to those who set themselves against it as people who were forced to choose between their monarch or their fellow countrymen tended to choose their countrymen.

France, it goes without saying, suffered the most from the French Revolution in terms of its effect on monarchy. Even though the monarchy was ultimately restored, as was the case in Britain, unlike the British the French never managed to come to a consensus that allowed the monarchy to survive. Efforts to reconcile the principles of the Revolution with the traditional values of the ancien regime never succeeded. Had the royalists of France been able to unite there would undoubtedly still be a Kingdom of France today but the rift in the Royal Family, caused by the Revolution, prevented this and ultimately republicanism prevailed, in the words of Adolphe Thiers because the republic was, “the form of government that divides France least”. The Revolution, by destroying the traditional Kingdom of France, also deprived the monarchist cause of what had previously been one of its sharpest swords. For conservative, Catholic France, which had once sent knights all over Europe, establishing monarchial states and spreading Christian monarchy, to become a secular, left-leaning republic had a huge impact on all sections of society and on countries and nations very far removed from Western Europe.

The French were also involved in the conflict that, I think, had a far greater impact on the monarchist cause than most realize which was the Franco-Mexican War of the 1860’s. It can, of course, be hard to be definitive and is very easy to romanticize “what might have been” but, having given that period of Mexican history no small amount of study over the years, I very much believe that it was one of the most pivotal struggles in the contest between republicanism and monarchy that the world has seen. I do believe that the subsequent history of not only Mexico but much of Latin America would have been changed dramatically for the better if the Second Mexican Empire had endured. I also tend to think that it would have had a beneficial impact on the institution of monarchy in Europe as well. Had Emperor Maximilian and Empress Carlota persevered on the Mexican throne, putting all of their plans into effect, and had Napoleon III carried on with his own further aspirations for the region, I see no reason why the Mexican Empire could not have become a monarchial power just as successful as the United States went on to become. Of course, the United States (or at least the northern half of it) is more responsible than anyone for the ultimate victory of Juarez and the defeat of Maximilian so that, one could say that the American Civil War was a pivotal conflict for the cause of monarchy as the victory of the free states over the slave states in that conflict doomed the cause of Maximilian and absolutely ensured the victory of Juarez and the republicans. Though, that may, perhaps, be the reason many monarchists do not wish to dwell on it.

Had Maximilian prevailed, the United States might today be the odd-man-out in an American hemisphere predominately consisting of monarchies. Maximilian envisioned the Americas with three primary powers; the United States in the north, the Empire of Brazil in the south (Maximilian loved Brazil) and the Empire of Mexico in the center. It may be stretching things a bit, perhaps even more than a bit, but it just might have had a beneficial effect on Europe as well. Suppose Napoleon had been more concerned with his “Kingdom of the Andes” project (perhaps working with President Gabriel Garcia Moreno of Ecuador who was a Catholic monarchist at heart) and his Panama Canal idea and these distracted him from falling into the trap set by Bismarck that provoked the Franco-Prussian War. It might have delayed German unification but, without the loss of Alsace-Lorraine, perhaps it may have prevented an Austro-Serb conflict from spreading into the First World War. Admittedly, that is quite a stretch but I do firmly believe that the loss of the monarchist enterprise in Mexico was much more far-reaching than most anyone today realizes. Under the sort of monarchy Maximilian endeavored to create, there really would have been no reason why Imperial Mexico could not have become just as successful as the United States. It would have had a diverse and growing population (they wished to encourage more European immigration just as America later had), it had plenty of natural resources and it would have had a monarch that believed in the same principles of economic freedom and private property rights that allowed the United States to overtake Britain as the world’s leading economy in the 1870’s. All the necessary ingredients would have been in place and the Maximilian-style monarchy could very easily have become an example to others in the region to start a new trend favoring monarchy throughout Latin America and, perhaps, beyond.

Another example which most will surely be expecting is the First World War. There is no doubt that World War I had a very negative impact on the monarchist cause, beyond simply the loss of the monarchies in Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia and eventually Turkey. The war itself really did not have much of an immediate impact on the wider cause of monarchy beyond these countries but the events which the war set into motion certainly did. One area in which I differ from many monarchists I know is my belief that the war itself was the problem, not which side happened to win. I do not take the view that everything would have been uniformly better if the Central Powers had emerged victorious, though certainly in several cases that would have been true. Once started, I see no reasonably probable way in which it could have failed to end in disaster for both the winners and the losers. A negotiated peace, a “peace without victors” may have been better but given how much both sides had lost, I just don’t see that as being likely. The more one loses the more one is going to demand in order to justify such tremendous sacrifices. I also tend to think that, even if the United States had stayed out of the last year of the war, the Allies would still have won. The British blockade had been too successful, the advent of tanks would have broken the deadlock and the non-German Central Powers were already on the verge of collapse or in the process of collapsing before the United States made any significant contribution at all.

Two events which had an even bigger impact on the monarchist cause were the Russian Revolution and World War II but, of course, both of these were a direct result of the First World War and, in my view, would not have happened without it. They still, possibly, could have been avoided or minimized had different decisions been made but had it not been for the First World War the problems that caused them would not have surfaced in the first place. Poland and Czechoslovakia would never have been republics were it not for the First World War and in those cases it did matter that the Central Powers lost for sure. However, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania would all have remained monarchies were it not for the actions of the Soviet Union in World War II which only came about because of the Russian Revolution which could have been avoided or minimized had it not been for World War I. Of course, had the Axis powers won World War II, there would have been huge loss of monarchy in Western and Northern Europe (what would have happened in the east is harder to speculate about) but every ill-effect for the monarchies of Eastern Europe in World War II as it happened (Allied victory) was a direct result of World War I by way of the Russian Revolution. The fall of monarchies from Ethiopia to Indochina because of communist revolutionaries, backed by the Soviet Union can all be traced directly back to  the Russian Revolution and World War I.

Where the Second World War does stand alone, at least somewhat, as a conflict directly impacting the cause of monarchy was in the East Asian theater of the war. In this case, the outcome of the war does matter as much as the war itself in that the war upset the existing, mostly pro-monarchy status quo but another, also mostly pro-monarchy state of affairs could have emerged but only if the Empire of Japan had been victorious. The problem with that, of course, is that Japan never had a prayer of winning the war and so some will doubtless be bitter about Japan upsetting the existing state of affairs with the succession of attacks across Southeast Asia in late 1941 and early 1942. For the most part, the impact was in the fact that the dominant power in East Asia would have been a monarchy (the Empire of Japan) if Japan had won the war rather than republican powers like China and the United States when Japan lost. Other than that, not a great deal would have been different on a country-by-country basis except that Manchuria and, perhaps, Inner Mongolia, would have been monarchies after the war was over. China, the Philippines, Burma, India and Indonesia would have become republics no matter who won the war. Laos and Cambodia did remain monarchies but Vietnam did not and, if Japan had won, it is probable that the Empire of Vietnam that the Japanese belatedly established, would have endured with Japanese support.

However, when it comes to conflicts which had at least a regional impact on multiple monarchies, two or three stand out in my mind. The first was the 1911 revolution in China. The impact of this should be obvious as China has traditionally been the powerhouse of East Asia and the Qing Empire consisted of more than just one country. The republican victory spelled the end for monarchy in Manchuria, Mongolia and Tibet as well as giving moral and material support to republican copycat groups in other countries, particularly Vietnam whether with the communist VietMinh or the VNQDD which was effectively a Vietnamese version of the Chinese Kuomintang. Furthermore, if not for the fall of the Qing Empire, there might have been no Japanese intervention on the mainland beyond Korea and thus no World War II in Asia and no consequent collapse of monarchies with the end the colonial establishment in places like Indochina, Indonesia, Burma or possibly even India though the case of India is debatable. The other examples, and why I say “two or three” are the revolutions in Egypt and Iran because they have, effectively, handed off the role of bedeviling the cause of monarchy in their region.

The overthrow of the Egyptian monarchy in 1952 is often credited with awakening Arab nationalism but, in fact, that had already been done during World War I with the British-backed Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Turks. However, that led to a succession of almost uniformly Arab monarchies emerging, the sole exceptions being Syria and Lebanon (thanks to France). However, the Egyptian Revolution led to specifically republican, anti-traditional and largely secular nationalist revolutions or attempts at such throughout several areas of Africa and the Middle East. It provided the inspiration for the 1958 overthrow of the monarchy in Iraq and from 1962 to 1970 Egypt provided the most support for the republican rebels in the civil war in the Kingdom of Yemen with Saudi Arabia backing the royalists. The Nasser vision of authoritarian socialist republicanism was also taken up by rebels in Oman where royalist forces and republican forces clashed with sympathetic regimes backing each; Great Britain, Imperial Iran, Jordan, the UAE and Saudi Arabia backing the Oman monarchy and China, Soviet Russia and East Germany among those backing the rebels.

Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 that country has become the primary antagonist of the Arab monarchies in the Middle East with the Ayatollah vowing to “export our revolution to the whole world”. An early attempt to reach out to the Islamic Republic by Saudi Arabia was slapped away by the Ayatollah, referring to Sunni Muslims as heretics and the regime stated openly that there was ‘no room’ for monarchies in Islam. It severed diplomatic relations with the distant Kingdom of Morocco simply for having allowed the exiled Shah of Iran to visit the country. However, more significant than its support for anti-monarchist groups throughout the region, the example of the Iranian regime has inspired religious radicals to rise up against existing monarchies just as the Egyptian revolution once inspired nationalist radicals to do the same. Over the years, Iran has pursued a very erratic foreign policy, originally dominated by rigid adherence to their brand of religion but later becoming much more unprincipled, in some cases (such as several involving China and Russia) taking the side of non-Muslims against fellow believers, even Shiites and people of Iranian ancestry. However, their opposition to monarchy has remained fairly consistent and the closer it is to Iran, whether in faith or in geography, the more they tend to oppose it. The revolution set into motion a new trend that spread even to Sunni countries which cast virtually all existing monarchies in the region as being insufficiently fervent in their religion and setting the example that a properly zealous cleric should rule in place of a monarch.

Today, there are not really any major conflicts that exist or seem eminent which would pose a threat to monarchy in general. Unfortunately, that is not quite as good as it sounds. The institution has been so greatly reduced that, though some fervent monarchists may not believe it, most major powers no longer consider it worthy of much consideration. Other priorities have taken precedence and various regimes may oppose or tolerate existing monarchies depending on their own national interest. It also means that the greatest threat to existing monarchies is almost entirely internal and that can be harder to deal with than external enemies. From what I have seen, there also seems to be a fairly radical breach between some people in existing monarchies and their governments (transcending parties and administrations) as to who exactly constitutes a threat to their continued existence. Many countries also like to maintain the appearance of cordiality, pretending to be friendly with practically everyone, even regimes that most everyone knows they thoroughly despise, that every individual has cover to pick and choose their own ‘state of the world’ as best pleases their existing views.

However, the best we can do is look to the past and try to gain the best benefit from experience as we can, being careful to avoid making justifications that would prompt us making the same mistakes again. On the largest scale, it would seem hard to overstate the impact of the French Revolution and the First World War on the monarchist cause around the world. Others, such as the English Civil Wars and the Franco-Mexican War would certainly not rise to that level but, nonetheless, have had much more far reaching consequences than I think most realize. These events can never be made not to have happened (which would be wonderful) but by recognizing what they caused and why, we can, perhaps, work to undo as much of the damage that they did as possible.

Tuesday, May 5, 2015

The Untold Truth of Albania

Everyone is probably aware of the popular portrayal of the Italian occupation of Albania. After annexing the Sudetenland, in March of 1939 Nazi Germany marched into the remainder of Czechoslovakia, making Bohemia and Moravia German protectorates and allowing the establishment of an independent Slovakia, closely tied to Germany. Upset at being given no advance warning, and not wishing to be left behind in the gobbling up of small countries, a month later Benito Mussolini ordered Italian forces to occupy Albania. That is the usual story and it is usually told in the context of a long list of German and Italian acts of aggression that finally forced Britain and France to draw a line and eventually go to war over the German invasion of Poland. However, the untold truth is that the situation was not so clear-cut and, as was all too common with the Balkan monarchies of World War II, at least one of the future Allied nations was not, originally, sympathetic to the supposed plight of the Albanians. Everyone well remembered how the last world war had started over a problem in the Balkans and not a few were concerned that the second could start there as well. However, neither Hitler nor Mussolini were the ones most, at the time, were worried about starting it.

Ahmed Zog
Ahmed Zog was the unknown quantity in Balkan affairs. He had first seized power by force in Albania in 1922 but was chased out only to return in 1924 with backing from the neighboring Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He was made president with dictatorial powers but when he refused to give Yugoslavia the special favors they expected for supporting him, the Yugoslav government felt betrayed and relations between the two countries became tense. Having lost their backing, Zog turned to the Kingdom of Italy across the Adriatic which, during World War I, had been given a secret agreement by the Allies recognizing Albania as an Italian protectorate in all but name. In 1928 President Zog elevated himself to “King of the Albanians” and while Italian investment poured into the country, others in the region and around Europe looked on with concern. As in Serbia, and Romania and Bulgaria there was a drive in Albania to expand to a “Greater Albania” and by declaring himself the king of a people rather than a country, many worried that Zog had his eye on territories of neighboring countries populated by ethnic Albanians (Kosovo, then as now, being the #1 ‘hot spot’). This would certainly have played well for the new King among the ranks of the Albanian nationalists and Zog certainly needed support.

Almost everyone in and outside of Albania seemed to have some reason or reasons to be frustrated with Zog. The local chieftains, from whose ranks he had risen, were always squabbling. Zog established a secular state, taking the new Republic of Turkey as his example, and so offended Muslim hardliners. Islamic clerics were also offended by his lifestyle, his love of gambling and his marriage to a Catholic Hungarian-American. This also disappointed Mussolini who hoped that he might marry an Italian princess and so draw Albania closer into the orbit of Rome. Muslim opposition was the most serious (when and where it occurred) in the overwhelmingly Islamic country but, as Zog tried to pull away from Italy he also angered the religious minorities such as when he nationalized all of the Catholic schools in Albania on the grounds that many were operated by Italians. Hitler had been friendly enough at first but the Nazi dictator was certainly not best pleased when Zog made Albania a haven for Jewish refugees. At the same time, there were fundamentalist Muslims who were just as upset at their Muslim king welcoming Jews into the country.

King Zog and Queen Geraldine
Today Zog may be best known as the world’s heaviest smoker but it would not be surprising if he also held the record for having more people trying to kill him than any other world leader. There were reportedly hundreds of plots against him and he survived 55 assassination attempts. Obviously, this forced him to stay out of sight as much as possible and while any other Albanian leader may have been treated the same, it certainly did little to reassure the international community about the stability of his regime. There were lingering tensions with Yugoslavia and considerable animosity with Greece, due to religious differences, historical grievances and suspicion about territorial claims based on Albanian populations in these countries. Things would become so bad that Greece finally had the Albanian population in the northern Epirus region put it concentration camps. What worried leaders in the west was that King Zog might do something in an effort to solve his problems that would end up starting a war. Zog biographer Jason Hunter Tomes wrote, “unable and frankly unwilling to have much faith in any group of his people, Zog strove to keep all classes in unstable equilibrium. Through hours of hideously convoluted talk, he obsessively manipulated his assorted underlings (nearly all older than himself) in an effort to exercise personal control from seclusion”.

Oddly enough, Mussolini was probably the one world leader least concerned by all of this. What sort of ruler Zog was or how popular he was mattered not at all to him and if tensions existed between Albania and Greece and Yugoslavia, there was little love lost between either of these countries and the Kingdom of Italy under the Fascist regime. Yet, what did matter to him was that Italy was getting no return on its investment and Zog was taking further steps to distance his country from Italy. To his Albanian supporters this was the King standing up for independence and national sovereignty against creeping Italian influence. In Italy Zog was seen as having gained all he could from them only to then cast them aside to search for a new benefactor as he had previously done to Yugoslavia. Italian advisors were dismissed from the Albanian army, the previous agreements with Italy were repudiated and Zog sought (unsuccessfully) closer ties with other countries. For Rome, the last straw came when the Albanian parliament announced a moratorium on debt payments to Italy. For Mussolini, this was the pretext on which to take action. It had nothing to do with events in Czechoslovakia but everything to do with the Italian economy and the desire to secure resources which Albania had but Italy lacked.

Italian troops entering Durazzo
This all came in the aftermath of the Italian conquest of Ethiopia over which the League of Nations had imposed sanctions on Italy and the very costly Italian intervention on behalf of Franco in the Spanish Civil War (though not always remembered, Italy gave vastly more assistance to Franco than anyone else). The Italian economy was stretched thin and badly needed Albania to make good on its debts. Furthermore, the sanctions (which particularly infuriated Mussolini) highlighted to the Fascist leadership their need for secure sources of raw materials that foreign powers could not deprive them of to punish or coerce Italian foreign policy. In quick order an ultimatum was sent to Zog, demanding that, if he wished to retain his throne, he agree to basically make Albania an Italian protectorate in both fact and name. Zog, of course, refused and on April 7, 1939 Italian troops began landing on the Albanian coast. It was not exactly an “invasion” as there was practically no resistance. Most of the officers of the Albanian army had fled the country, the New York Times reported that the local population cheered the Italian troops and by the time they came ashore King Zog and his family retinue were already fleeing the country.

Offering Victor Emmanuel the Albanian Crown
As for the other monarch involved, King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy had thought the occupation of Albania too risky, in keeping with his conservative, cautious nature. It was sure to upset the French (which it did) but when an Albanian delegation came to Rome to offer him the crown as King of Albania, he graciously accepted. King Zog fled to Greece but could not stay long and soon made his way to France where he was more warmly received. The French were concerned that, with their eastern coast secured by the seizure of Albania, Italy would be a threat to them in the west. The distant United States was sympathetic and Zog’s radio messages to his people were played all over the country so that many more Americans heard his word than Albanians, the vast majority of whom owned no radios. However, what many will find the most surprising among the untold truths of the Albanian situation is the reaction of the British. In public and in the media there was, of course, plenty of sympathy for Albania and condemnations of the actions of Italy. However, for those in the halls of power, who had long worried about Albania and the ‘Balkan powder keg’ the private reaction was quite different.

Mussolini with Albanian school girls
British intelligence agents reported on the swift and efficient Italian occupation and pacification of Albania as providing a stabilizing presence in an unstable region. Once it was done, Sir Anthony Eden, British Foreign Minister and, it should be remembered, a man with a bitter, personal grudge against Mussolini, sent the Duce a personal telegram thanking him for his decisive action and assuring him of British support. This was not widely known at the time, nor are most aware of it today as the outbreak of World War II years later put it at odds with the official narrative of British opposition to a succession of acts by the Axis powers which have since been put forward to justify the Franco-British declaration of war against Germany. So, it was grouped together with the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, the conquest of Ethiopia, the China incident, the annexation of Austria, the occupation of Czechoslovakia and then, after the occupation of Albania by Italy, the German invasion of Poland. However, the British government was far from being critical at the time and viewed the Italian occupation of Albania as something that benefited the region. Britain may also have been reacting to a recent change in opinion regarding the Nazi regime in Germany.

Strange as it may seem today, in light of subsequent events, at one time the British seemed more willing to accommodate Hitler and regarded Mussolini as the greater threat. However, when Hitler started grabbing territory in Eastern Europe, there was a sudden about-face in British policy. The year before the occupation of Albania, Britain had recognized the legitimacy of Italian East Africa and King Victor Emmanuel III as Emperor of Ethiopia. The reaction to events in Albania may have been influenced, at least in part, by an effort to woo Mussolini back into a friendlier relationship and to restore his previously hostile attitude toward Hitler. If so, it was too little, too late. The sanctions had infuriated the Duce beyond measure and, as he told a crowd on a visit to Germany, the fact that Germany had not joined in such sanctions was something he would never forget.

King Zog & Queen Geraldine
As for King Zog, he was never to relent in his claim to power in Albania and his efforts to restore his regime. Forced out of France by the advance of the German military, he and his family relocated to Britain and while his family moved to safer environs near Windsor, Zog himself remained in London. There, in the Allied nerve-center, Zog was constantly pressuring Churchill to send him to the front in some capacity to take part in the war against the Italian and later German forces occupying Albania. However, for Churchill and his government, a cold pragmatism ruled the day that sidelined all other considerations besides the quick and complete defeat of the Axis powers. Britain had greater interest in Greece but in Albania, as in other areas, the only concern was who had the most anti-Axis forces to help ensure victory and in Albania, as in those other areas, that force was the communists. Neither Britain nor America was prepared to throw their full support behind a restoration of Ahmed Zog and so almost all Allied support ended up going to the communist partisans which included the future fanatical tyrant of Albania Enver Hoxha. Of course, Zog had his supporters in Albania but with some Albanians supporting Zog, others supporting Italy, others later supporting Germany, the divisions of the anti-communist forces left the pro-communist side with the most potent force on the ground and that was all that ultimately mattered to the high command in London.

King Zog and sisters in the National Guard
Things were set to get much worse for Albania in the aftermath of World War II. However, to end on a more positive note, there was some royal reconciliation after it was all over. The Albanian Royal Family left England in 1946 and was given a warm welcome in Egypt by King Farouk. As it happened, they shared their Egyptian exile with King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy (who had renounced his title as King of Albania), his daughter Queen Ioanna (Giovanna) and grandson King Simeon II of Bulgaria. Queen Ioanna and Zog’s wife Queen Geraldine became close friends and the two women brought about an official reconciliation of the two families which has endured to this day. In 2012 Prince Victor Emmanuel of Naples (along with his son the Prince of Venice) invested Prince Leka II of Albania with the Grand Cross of the Order of Sts Maurice and Lazarus. The royals patched things up but it has been harder putting right all that had gone wrong in Albania itself in the years leading up to and during World War II when Albania, like most of the Balkan monarchies, came away with reasons to be bitter against both the Axis and the Allies.

Additional Note: I cannot help but think that if a more Metternich-like policy had been pursued by the Allies, Albania would be a kingdom today and naturally much better off. Such a policy would have seen Italy allowed to retain its past gains to come alongside with the Allied nations (as was done with many Napoleonic states) or that Zog would have at least been given a battalion, even if it had to be filled with mercenaries, to go home and fight for his country as he stated so often that he wished to. It might not have made the difference but, you never know, might have turned out do quite well. Of course, Metternich never had to deal with the necessity of allying with a regime like the USSR. Alas, Albania would not be the only Balkan country to feel victimized by both sides in the war.

Sunday, May 3, 2015

Monarchist Profile: General Jose de la Serna e Hinajosa

Don Jose de la Serna e Hinajosa, first Count of los Andes, was effectively, if not officially, the last Spanish viceroy of Peru but more significantly was in command of the last period of struggle between the forces of the Spanish Crown and republicanism in South America. Born in 1770, like many young Spanish noblemen, he became an officer in the army early in life and had a career typical of the difficult position Spain was faced with in that time and place. At the start of the French Revolutionary Wars, he fought the French. Then, when Spain was forced into an alliance with France, he fought the British. When that alliance ended, he fought the French again, was taken prisoner but escaped and then traveled a bit before making his way back to Spain where he fought the French again in the Peninsular War alongside the British who were then allied to Spain. He saw that campaign through to the end when the French were finally driven from the Iberian peninsula in 1813. Once that war was over and King Fernando VII was safely restored to his throne, attention turned toward the vast Spanish empire in America.

During the wars with France, the Spanish colonies had been isolated and independence movements, some more revolutionary and republican than others, began to break out. The other monarchies of Europe were mostly concerned with events in their own continent and cared little about what happened in other parts of the world where they had no significant interests. On the other hand, the United States was quick to grant recognition and at least moral support to any colony that broke away from Europe and the British Empire did the same while also giving both official and unofficial support to such independence movements as a way of eliminating Spain as a colonial rival and breaking the Spanish monopoly on trade with Latin America. Obviously, for the Spanish empire, this was the moment of the greatest crisis and more revolutionary movements broke out and gained ground under such dynamic leaders as Simon Bolivar, Jose de San Martin and others. Don Jose de la Serna, by then a major general, was dispatched to the Viceroyalty of Peru to take command of Spanish royalist forces there and put down all rebellions against the Crown.

Peru was the strongest bastion of royalist sentiment in South America and the hope was that it could be secured as used as a base from which republican rebels could be suppressed one by one in neighboring regions such as Colombia and Argentina. But, the Spanish faced internal as well as external difficulties. Commanders often wavered according to their politics and discord between officials and generals were far from uncommon. The case of General De la Serna illustrates this. Arriving in 1816, he was first posted to Alto Peru, in what is now Bolivia, and ordered to march against the rebels in northern Argentina by the Viceroy of Peru, Don Joaquin de la Pezuela. However, De la Serna opposed this plan as being too ambitious and was often at odds with the Viceroy who was an old-fashioned royal absolutist while De la Serna was a more liberal moderate, leaning in the direction of a constitutional monarchy. This was hardly uncommon, nor was it unique to Spain. During the American War for Independence most of the British commanders sent to suppress the rebel colonists were Whigs who sympathized with their complaints against the London government. Nonetheless, De la Serna began to move but made it only as far south as Salta in the Lerma Valley of northern Argentina in early 1817 when he was surprised by the appearance of a rebel army under Jose de San Martin who had crossed the mountains from Argentina, conquered Chile and was moving north.

This forced De la Serna to halt his advance and fall back to a defensive position in Bolivia. He soon had his hands full dealing with insurgents in the area which began to rise up with the appearance of San Martin and his Army of the Andes. Frustrated by the situation and his only worsening relationship with the Viceroy, De la Serna finally requested permission to resign and go home to Spain, a request which was ultimately granted in May of 1819. By September, all was in order and he handed his command over to General Jose de Canterac and prepared to return home. However, he did not do so and, in light of subsequent events, one can only wonder if, perhaps, he never intended to retire at all but that this was a charade on his part. As was not uncommon in the Spanish colonies, De la Serna had his own following of loyal supporters who were convinced that he was the only one who could save them from the threat of an invasion by the rebel forces under San Martin in Chile. They applied a great deal of pressure on the Viceroy to have De la Serna appointed to some position of great importance.

Hoping to placate them, De la Pezuela had De la Serna promoted to lieutenant general and made president of the war council in Lima. But his supporters were not placated. In September of 1820 Jose de San Martin landed in the coastal city of Pisco, Peru and prepared to march on Lima. The De la Serna faction then made their real bid for power, pressuring De la Pezuela to resign and make De la Serna Viceroy of Peru. De la Pezuela, however, refused to be pressured and, in what he likely regarded as a test of loyalty, ordered De la Serna himself to put down the uprising that favored him. If it was a test, De la Serna failed, saying that he did not have sufficient forces to suppress them. De la Pezuela had been the victim of a very well managed coup. He was beaten and knew it and so on the evening of January 29, 1821 he resigned and handed power over to Don Jose de la Serna, making him Viceroy of Peru. Sadly, this too was not unusual and, also as usual, the Spanish government simply went along with what had already happened ‘on the ground’ and validated the decision.

Meeting of San Martin and la Serna
By that time, Jose de San Martin was almost upon Lima and the new Viceroy sent a Spanish envoy, who had just arrived with instructions to find a peaceful solution to the crisis, to begin negotiations with the rebels. The talks were long and arduous but ultimately hopeless. The King of Spain was willing to concede practically everything; local self-rule, a new government, complete autonomy, but he would not concede his sovereignty and the rebels demanded nothing less than complete independence. Starting on May 3, the talks continued until June 25 when both sized recognized that no agreement was possible and force of arms would have to decide the issue. Unfortunately for the royalists, their military situation had not improved in the meantime and the following month Lima was evacuated and Jose de San Martin marched in to occupy the city and, on July 15, 1821, issue the Peruvian declaration of independence. Viceroy De la Serna retreated to Cuzco but the forces of the Crown were rapidly falling apart. When the rebels besieged Callao, De la Serna sent General Jose de Canterac to lift the siege with 4,000 men. Unfortunately, he did not succeed and the starving garrison surrendered in September. Royalist forces remaining in Bolivia broke off on their own, refusing to follow orders from De la Serna and internecine dispute among the royalists became more problematic.

In August of 1824 Canterac was defeated at the Battle of Junin by Simon Bolivar as rebel forces from around South America converged on the royalist armies, giving them their first victory in Peru itself. Viceroy La Serna decided to ‘go for broke’ and fight one decisive battle that would settle everything. The result was the Battle of Ayacucho against the rebel army of Antonio Jose de Sucre. The Spanish royalists consisted of only 500 Spanish soldiers, the remainder being local loyalists and native militiamen while the rebel army, not very different in size, included men from all over Spanish America; Colombia, Peru, Argentina, Chile and others as well as the British Legions of volunteers which included men from across the British Isles and Germany who were supporting the cause of Latin American independence. The Spanish forces were also weakened by having troops dispatched to fight other royalists as the conflict between constitutional and absolute monarchists had carried over to America. The result was not difficult to foresee. De la Serna was defeated at the Battle of Ayacucho, forced to surrender and with that defeat, Peruvian independence was secured and the power of the Spanish Crown was removed from South America from that time forward. The rebel victory was so complete and far-reaching that some Spanish historians have speculated that it was all a show rather than a real contest, that the liberal-minded Spanish officers had already agreed in advance to surrender to the rebels. This, of course, is a very serious accusation and one that would be difficult to either prove or refute, however, given the pattern of behavior some royalist officers exhibited, such as La Serna himself, it is understandable that some would suspect a conspiracy.

His Catholic Majesty King Fernando VII, however, seemed to have no doubts about the loyalty of La Serna, granting him the title of Count of the Andes after he returned to Spain. He was given a lofty command appropriate for his rank, Captain-General of Granada, where he finished out his military career. He died in Cadiz in 1832. His life and military career were illustrative of the problems that beset the Spanish empire in the early 19th Century as well as the internal divisions, both in Spain and in America, that precipitated its ultimate demise.

Saturday, May 2, 2015

It's A Girl!

Happy birthday to the new princess of the Royal Family and congratulations to the Duke & Duchess of Cambridge. God Save the Queen!

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